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Photograuhic 

Sdences 

Corporation 


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method: 


Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
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Loisque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  dtre 
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et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  nAcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mAthode. 


1 

2 

3 

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4 

5 

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(lyyoxt/uvest 
CoUectiorv 


SPEECH 


OF    THE 


HON.  WM.  W.  WICK,  OF  INDIANA, 


ON   THE 


OREGON    QUESTION 


DELIV  ERED 


IN    THE   HOUSE   OF   REPRESENTATIVES^ 


JANUARY   30,   1846. 


WASHINGTON: 

PRINTED  AT  THE  UNION  OFFICE. 
1846. 


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On  Mc  resolution  oj  twticc  to  Great  Britain  to  abrogate  the  convention  of  joint 

occupancy  relative  to  the  Oregon  territory. 


i'i^Afrt.,   lit 


The  House  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on 
the  Slate  of  the  Union — 

Mr,  WICK  rose  and  addressed  the  committee  as 
follows: 

He  was  in  a  place,  he  said,  in  which  it  had  been 
justly  remarked  that  one  could  neither  f^peak  nor 
hear,  and  in  which,  in  point  of  fact,  little  that 
was  S£iid  WHS  heard.  Though  aware  of  this  difficul- 
ty, he  should  undertake  the  task  of  speakinj?,  and, 
strange  as  it  might  seem,  not  for  Buncombe,  but  for 
this  House. 

His  good  constituents  at  home  had  been  quietly 
enjoying  the  Christmas  holyday,  eating  their  ducks 
and  turkeys,  or  pursuing  their  ordinary  avocations, 
and  were  perfectly  unconscious  that  their  represent- 
ative here  had  for  the  last  two  or  three  weeks  ex- 
hibited the  ungraceful  figure  of  sitting  here,  leaning 
upon  a  desk,  crouched  like  a  catamount  watching 
for  prey,  and  waiting  for  the  moment  to  spring 
forward,  at  the  close  of  each  of  some  hundred  or 
more  speeches,  and,  at  the  top  of  his  voice,  cry  out 
*'Mr.  Chairman!"  His  constituents  had  heard 
nothing  of  this;  but  he  meant  to  tell  them  about  it 
when  he  got  home,  and  let  them  know  that  the 
difficulty  here  is,  not  to  make  a  speech,  but  to  ob- 
tain the  floor  for  the  purpose  of  making  one. 

Now  that  I  have  obtained  the  floor,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, I, said  Mr.  W.,)  I  find  that  it  is  a  privilege 
scarcely  worth  rejoicing  over,  for  everything  had 
been  said  that  could  be  said  on  the  subject,  and  it 
was  now  perfectly  exhausted.  There  was  not  an 
infinitismai  point  which  had  not  been  made  the 
subject  of  a  long  speech;  and  I  am  too  proud  (said 
Mr.  W.)  to  repeat  what  others  have  said  before. 
What,  then,  shall  1  do?  In  the  Committee  of  the 
Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union,  I  believe  it  is  in 
order  to  speak  of  matters  and  things  in  general,  and 
also  to  respond  to  things  which  had  been  said  by 
others  in  the  course  of  this  discussion.  There  are 
some  things  whiqh  had  been  said  in  the  debate  to 
which  no  direct  answer  has  been  made,  and  I  (said 
Mr.  W.)  will  attend  to  them. 

While  we  are  engaged  here  in  deliberating  upon 
a  subject  concerning  our  foreign  relations — the  most 
delicate  of  all  topics  dis>cas8cd  here — he  could  well 
comprehend  the  propriety  of  not  "o'erstepping  the 
modesty  of  nature,"  and  of  measuring  every  sen- 
tence by  the  dictates  of  calm  discretion  and  pru- 
dence.   He  would  endeavor  to  control   himself  ac- 


cordingly, and  to  "let  his  moderation  be  seen." 
Yet  he  felt  at  liberty  to  remember  that  he  was  the 
representative  of  a  fearless  and  independent  people, 
who  speak  their  minds  in  free  ofi'-hand  style— al- 
ways, however,  in  courtesy,  or,  what  is  better,  good 
nature. 

At  an  early  stage  of  this  debate  we  had  been  told 
by  an  honorable  member  from  South  flarolina  [Mr. 
Rhett]  that  the  West  and  Northwest  had  claimed 
a  special  interest  in  this  question;  and  in  other  quar- 
ters it  seemed  to  be  understood  as  a  western  or 
northwestern  question.  He  (Mr.  W.)  would  say 
that  the  Northwest  had  a  strong  interest  in  this 
question.  So  had  the  entire  vcountry;  and  he  (Mr. 
W.)  was  surprised  to  see  the  representatives  from 
some  portions  of  the  country  aj)parently  blind  to 
that  interest. 

The  honorable  member  from  South  Carolina  [Mr. 
Rhett]  had,  in  addre.ssi  ig  the  committee,  seen  prop-^ 
er  to  infer  or  suppose  that  the  Northwest  was  dc- 
•sirous,  by  means  of  this  question,  to  bring  on  a  war 
for  war^s  sake,  and  on  the  supposition  that  war 
would  be  profitable  to  the  northwest  in  a  pecuniary 
point  of  view;  and  in  this  conclusion,  so  dishonora- 
ble to  the  Northwest,  the  member  from  South  Caro- 
lina [Mr.  Rhett]  is  fully  sustained  by  some  foreign 
newspapers,  and  by  some  of  the  opposition  papers 
at  home.  Sir,  (said  Mr.  W.,)  I  live  in  the  North- 
west, and  1  know  what  the  feelings  and  the  wishes 
of  her  people  are  much  better  than  the  gentleman 
does.  He  guesses,  but  I  know.  I  would  take  his 
word  upon  any  subject  concerning  which  his  mean.*; 
of  informing  himself  were  ample  and  mine  limited; 
and  he  may  take  my  word  when  I  tell  him  that  he 
has  been  grossly  misinformed.  I  have  never  seen 
a  man  in  the  Northwest  who  wanted  a  war  for  the 
sake  of  war,  or  of  any  supposed  pecuniary  profit 
to  result  from  it.  We,  sir,  are  afraid  of  the  evils  of 
yar,  for  it  would  deprive  ua  of  our  market  for  our 
products,  and  of  many  of  the  blessings  which  we 
enjoy.  War  would  bring  as  much  trouble  to  ua  as 
to  any  part  of  the  country.  We  would  never  wish 
for  a  war,  either  for  profit  or  glory. 

Again,  it  has  been  said  that  the  West  wants  a 
war,  or  a  war  fever,  for  the  purpose  of  making  a 
northwestern  President.  What  is  the  gentle 
man's  position  in  regard  to  this  allegation?  Did  lh« 
gentleman  refer  to  the  distinguished  eeuator  from 
Missouri,  [Mr.  Bbwtov?]    If  so,  what  wilJ  betotne 


], 


r* 


:j; 


II 


of  that  gentleman's  hobby,  the  hard-money  aystem, 
if  a  war  should  take  place?  A  war  would  at  once 
deprive  him  of  all  the  benefit  of  hip  lon^  advocacy 
of  the  hard-money  principle;  for  his  untiring  advo- 
cacy of  which  the  northwent  has  uo  much  and  so 
long  admired  him;  for,  as  the  honorable  gentleman 
from  South  Carolina  says,  an  era  of  war  is  always 
an  era  of  paper  money. 

Does  the  gentleman  refer  to  a  distinguished  citi- 
zen of  Michigan  and  senator  from  that  State?  That 
distinguished  genileman  lives  within  eleven  hun- 
dred yards  of  the  British  line,  and  the  occurrence  of 
a  war  would  inevitably  consign  his  houses  to  the 
flames,  and  his  property  to  dekruction.  Why 
should  he  invoke  a  war?  But  still  (said  Mr.  W.)  I 
do  expect  that,  in  the  course  of  our  history,  the 
northwest  will,  at  a  short  day,  too,  furnish  an   actu- 

.  al  live  President  of  the  United  States,  to  the  gr««it 
Eim^ire  State,  the  Ancient  Dominion,  and  to  South 
Carolina.  And  I  do  not  think  that  we  shall  be  obliged 
to  make  a  war  for  the  purpose  of  effecting  that  ob- 
ject. Living  in  the  West,  I  am  well  informed  as  to 
Its  feelings,  and  I  speak  with  confidence  in  regard 
to  them.  It  has  been  said  by  the  honorable  mem- 
ber from  South  Carolina,  [Mr.  Rhett,]  that  we  in 
the  northwest  have  nothing  to  lose  by  a  war,  as 
We  export  nothing,  whereas  the  South  would  lose 
the  market  for  her  cotton.  The  honorable  gentle- 
man  from  South    Carolina    was    evidently    misin- 

'  formed  on  ihis    subject.    The    wheat  and    other 

or    the     northwest   found   its    way     to 

formerly    through     Canada,    but    now 

The   northwest   makes  as  many    clear 

proportion   to  her   population  from   the 

wheat    ?.nd     other   products,     as 

does  from   the  export  of  her  cot- 


products 
England, 
directly, 
dollars  in 
export    of   her 
South  Carolina 


ton.  The  prices  of  our  produce  are  as  well  under- 
stood in  Liverpool,  and  London,  and  Charleston, as 
is  the  price  of  cotton.  We  sell  our  produce  wher- 
ever it  is  wanted— to  England,  when  her  starving 
population  require  it,  and  to  South  C-.olina,  when 
her  cotton  and  rice  crops  are  good,  and  her  terrapin 
crop  fails. 

In  reference  to  the  sentiment  which  the  gentleman 
from  South  Carolina  had  advanced,  that  those 
should  not  hazard  a  public  war — wholesale  murder 
—who  do  not  defend  their  personal  honor  accord- 
ing to  the  peculiar  fashion  adopted  in  some  parts  of 
the  world,  because,  they  say,  that  tends  to  murder, 
I  will  say  that  the  gentleman  ia  mistaken,  if  he 
applies  it  to  us  of  the  northwest,  for  we  do  defend 
our  personal  honor,  according  to  our  own  code.  The 
gentleman  cannot  refuse  us  our  own  way  of  doing 
this,  while  he  remains  a  consistent  advocate  of  State 
sovereignty  and  State  rights. 

The  gentleman  cannot  gainsay  that  Indiana,  for 
example,  is  a  sovereign  State,  and  therefore  entit'ed 
to  establish  her  own  customs  and  iwages.  In  ex- 
treme cases,  sir,  according  to  our  custom,  two  gen- 
tlemen lock  themselves  up  in  a  room  in  the  tnird- 
atory,  and  then  proceed  to  assert  their  personal  hon- 
or; and  he  that  jumps  out  of  the  window,  at  the  end 
of  a  half-hour,  carryin<:  vvith  him  the  ears,  eyes,  no- 
ses, &c.  beIono;ing  to  both  is  the  victor.  That,  sir, 
is  our  code;  and  when  the  whole  world,  (I  mean  the 
civilized  world,)  shtill  adopt  it,  we  will  fight  the 
whole  world  according  to  that  system  for  Oregon,  or 
on  any  other  point.  In  the  event  of  the  universal 
adoption  of  this  mode,  the  non-votmg  constituents 
of  the  honorable  member  from  South  Carolina  would 
be  admirable  combatants.  In  a  war  with  England, 
it  would  be  nigger  against  cockney. 


But  the  gentleman  is  excusable  for  knowing  little 
of  the  northwest,  for  he  haa  nerer  been  there.  No 
one  ever  emigrates  from  Indiana  to  South  Carolina, 
and  therefore  South  Carolina  knows  nothing  about 
us;  but  many  emigrants  from  South  Carolina  come 
among  us,  and  tell  us  all  about  it;  and  they  had 
taken  occasion  to  tell  us  of  the  manifold 
merits  and  great  achievements  of  that  State.  I  have 
reason  to  admire  that  old  State  on  many  accounts. 
She  has  taught  us  the  revenue-tariff  doctrine;  for 
though  it  came  to  us  originally  from  Virginia,  it 
was  doubly  distilled  by  South  Carolina  into  8  con- 
centrated essence,  and  we  swallowed  it,  and  oved 
the  dose.  We  admire  South  Carolina,  also,  tor  her 
talented  sons.  We  admire  her  honorable  bearing 
We  acknowledge  hex  right  to  secede  from  tbo 
Union,  and  will  give  her,  or  any  other  discontented 
Slate,  a  pass  for  that  purpose.  But  we  do  not 
recognise  her  right  to  remain  in  the  Union,  and  yet 
nullify  the  laws  of  the  Union.  The  course  of 
South  Carolina  is  always  rather  eccentric,  in  our 
estimation.  She  will  at  one  time  oppose  the  elec- 
tion of  a  President,  and  then  support  him  after  hi.'j 
election;  and  at  another  time  she  will  contribute  to 
elect  a  i'resident,  and  then  oppose  his  administra- 
tion. We  think  she  sometimes  has  carried  hei- 
viewsof  State  sovereignty  a  leetlt  too  far — to  wit, 
when  she  affected  to  nullify  the  laws  of  the  United 
States;  and  that  in  her  political  course  she  is  a 
ledle  too  South  Carolinaish.  But  one  thing  we  will 
say  for  South  Carolina:  we  will  excuse  her  and 
her  politicians  from  the  charge  of  any  presidential 
aspirations  ut  the  present  time.  The  finger-board 
that  directed  to  the  White  House,  pointed  also  at 
the  late  election  to  Texas  and  Oregon,  and  now  jt 
pointed  to  Oregon  alone;  and  there  is  no  other  way 
by  which  the  executive  mansion  can  be  reached.  1 
do  not  see  South  Carolina  on  that  road. 

I  now  turn  rny  attention  to  my  democratic 
whig  friend  from  Illinois,  [Mr.  Baker,]  who  had 
asked  the  .supporters  of  Mr.  Polk  to  reconcile 
our  clear  and  unquestionable  right  to  Oregon 
with  the  offer  of  the  49th  parallel  as  a  compromise. 
He  asked  how  Mr.  Polk,  after  making  such  an  as 
sertion  of  our  title,  could  offer  a  compromise.  I  do 
not  find  in  the  message  that  Mr.  Polk  described  any 
particular  Oregon  us  ours.  There  is  Russian  Ore- 
gon, for  instance,  and  Mr.  Polk  could  not  claiiit 
that.  The  assertion  was  made  in  regard  to  our  title 
to  the  whole  of  our  Oregon — to  that  part  of 
the  territory  to  which  our  right  should  be 
ascertained.  How  that  right  should  be  ascer- 
tained he  does  not  say.  Perhaps  it  must  be 
by  the  ^'uUima  ratio  regmi."  But  the  President 
was  partially  committed  upon  this  subject  by  the 
action  of  his  predecessors,  to  offer  the  49th  ptur- 
allel  not  as  a  right,  but  as  a  cotiipromise,  for  the 
sake  of  peace — so  his  message  tells  us.  Will  a 
Clay  man  reprehend  him  for  this,  when  the  same 
offer  was  made  by  Mr.  Clay  himself,  although  hfi 
had  said  that  Gre-tt  Britain  had  no  colorable  title  to 
any- part  of  Oregon? 

My  friend  from  South  Carolina  [Mr.  Holmbs,] 
has  also  made  some  remarks  on  this  subject,  to 
which  I  must  pay  some  attention.  The  gentleman 
had  contended  more  strongly  for  the  British  right  to 
Oregon,  and  has  more  strongly  denied  the  Ameri- 
can rights  there,  than  any  British  statesman  or  nego- 
tiator has  ever  done.  I  will  turn  the  honorable  gen- 
tleman over  to  his  particular  friend  the  honorable 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  for 
an  answer  to  his  argument  on  that  ptiint.    The  gen- 


i 


v-ing  little 
>ere.  No 
Carolina, 
ing  about 
tlina  come 
they  had 

manifold 
e.    I  have 

accounts, 
ctrine;  for 
'irginia,  it 
into  E  con- 
and  oved 
so,  tor  her 
e  beaming 

from  the 
scontented 
we  do  not 
)n,  and  yet 
1  course  of 
ric,  in  our 
ie  the  elec- 
im  after  hi.» 
intribute  t» 
adminiatra- 
carried  her 
ar — to  wit, 
'  the  United 
le  she  is  a 
ling  we  will 
Be    her  and 
presidential 
finger-board 
jled  also  at 
,  and  now  »t 
3  other  way 
reached.     1 

democratic 
,,]  who  had 

0  reconcile 
to    Oregon 

'omproinise. 
T  such  an  as 
mise.  I  do 
escribed  any 
Lussian  Ore- 

1  not  claini 
d  to  our  title 
hat    part  of 

should  be 
Id  be  ascer- 

it  must  be 
le  President 
)ject  by  the 
le  49  th  par- 
lise,  for    the 

us.  Will  a 
en   the  same 

although  he 
orable  title  to 

IT.     HOLMKS,] 

subject,  to 
he  gentleman 
ritish  right  to 

the  Ameri- 
mian  or  nego- 
oiioruble  gen- 
he  honorable 
pi  AfTairs,  for 
nt.    Thegen- 


Jman  had  Tcry  poetically  described  the  evils,  and 

[saster?,  and  dcBtruclion  of  a  war.     His  description 

British  triumphs  and  American  defeats,  which  he 

hticipates,  is  vastly  more  poetic  and  graphic  than 

[ill  be  any  British  song  written  after  the  war  shall 

over  to  record    its  events.    The  gentleman,  in 

Is  description    of  the    immense  power  of  Great 

^-itain,  said  that  she  had  forty  war-steamers. 

I  Mr.  HoLMKS.    One  hundred  and  forty. 

Mr.  W  continued.     Well,  let  them  bring  them 

on,  no  matter  how  many,  they  can  do   us  very 

ftle  harm.    According  to  the  gentleman,  we  shall 

very  badly  off  for  means  of  defence  or  offence, 

'  he  says  that  our  little  privateers,  and  nil   our 

ssels,  as  soon  as  they  leave  port  will  be  out-run, 

I'crtaken,  and  captured  by  the  British  steamers.     I 

low  (said  Mr.  W.)  that  the  British  ure  great  nio- 

^poiizers;  but  I  never  heard  before  that  they  had 

)tained  the  exclusive  patent  to  the  use  of  God  Al- 

jhty's  steam.    1  hope  that  we  also  can  exercise  the 

fht  of  using  it;  for  if  we  are  deprived  of  that  right, 

!  shall  next  be  denied  the  use  of  the  wind.  The  gen- 

[man  has  also  asktdjua  how  we  are  going  to  take 

jon?  whether  we  can   march  an  army  across  the 

>cky  mountains.'    He  oays  we  cannot,  for  every 

lieht   would  prove  a   Gibraltar,    and   that  every 

cky  pass,  and  every  vale  in  Oregon,  will  bristle 

British  bayonets.     Alas!   we  have  no  rifles!! 

ir  riflemen  are  all  dead!!    Where  arc  our  rifles 

I  riflemen.'.  If  a  loyal  subject  of  Ena;!and  asked 

question,  I  would  answer  that  our  rifles  were  all 

ten,  and  our  riflemen  were  all  killed  at  the  battle  of 

?w  Orleans! !  But  we  cannot  take  Canada;  that,  the 

Inileman  says,  is  impossible,  because  the  Wetland 

Inal  would  aflbrd  the  means  of  transporting  British 

lets  to  the  lakes,  and  that  we  could  never  got  across 

Canada,    the  British  having  command  of  the 

ces.     We  cannot  cross  on  the  ice,  he  says,  in  the 

Inter  season,  became  the  British  would  lay  down 

jwder  kegs,  all  in  one  continued  row,  from  the 

jiils  of  INiagara  to  the  northwest  corner  of  Lake 

jperior,  then  touch  them  off  by  a  galvanic  commu- 

pation,  and  blow  up  the  whole  of  the  ice.    Now, 

these  powder  kegs  must  be  all  in  a  string,  and 

I  connected  together;  and  there  must  not  be  a  leaky 
!  among  them,  and  no  Yankee  must  find  it  out,  lest 

arrangement  should  be  disturbed.  Sir,  the  gen- 
lan  knows  nothing  of  our  climate  in  the  north- 

9t.  Why,  sir,  you  may  blow  up  the  whole  of 
ice  one  night,  and  the  water  will  bo  frozen 

br  again  the  next  night.    Tha  British  government 

II  have  to  get  something  stronger  than  gunpowder 
jthis  purpose.   No  article  known  to  her  extensive 

iraerce  will  answer  the  purpose.    She  must  deal 
iroung  volcanoes,  and  import  some  small  speci- 
^s  of  the  infernal  regions  to  keep  the  lakes  thaw- 
winter  time.    I  am  gratified,  however,  to  learn 
the  honorable  gentleman  that  South  Carolina 
be  able  to  look  out  for  herself  in  time  of  war, 
that  ahe  will  ensconsc  herself  in  her  swamps, 
;re  she  will  be  out  of  harm's  way. 
The  gentleman  asserted  for  South  Carolina,  and 
[sonsof  Marion,  of  Sumter,  and   Pii)ckney,  the 
icity  to  retreat  ints  her  impenetrable  fastnesses, 
there  defend  her  against  the   world.      In  the 
n  of  a  war  for  Oregon,  will  South  Carolina  thus 

into  her  shcllf 
[r.  HoLMts.    1  said  we  would  come  to  your 
Istance.  ^ 

^e  thank  you,  (said  Mr.  W.,)  and  1  will  say  to 
h  Carolina,  that  when  the  northern  fanatics 
I  trouble  her,  we  will  come  to  her  rescue. 


The  gentleman  from  Ohio  [Mr.  Giddinks]  ha» 
threatened  the  South  with  a  war  of  emancipation, 
and  an  invasion  by  the  black  regiments  from  the 
West  Indies.  The  southern  gentlemen  have  pre- 
ferred to  answer  him.  They  had  Iwiler  leave  the 
one  idea  and  its  professors  to  us  of  the  northwest. 
i  had  an  answer  for  the  gentleman  as  to  this  moat 
untasteful  development  of  his  one  idea.  We  in 
the  northwest  know  his  ways,  for  we  have  a  fevtr 
of  his  parly  in  Indiana.  1  will  waive  my  answer 
to  him,  but  will  say  to  him  that  my  non-slavehold- 
ing  constituents  mean  that  justice  shall  be  done  to 
the  South  and  its  constitutional  rights;  for  so  intense 
is  their  anxiety  on  this  subject,  lest  it  should  dis- 
turb the  harmony  of  the  Union,  that  they  are  ready 
to  do  full  and  ample  justice  to  the  South.  If  I  should 
endorse  what  was  said  by  the  honorable  member 
from  Missouri — viz:  that  the  gentleman's  wiiih  was 
father  to  his  thought — my  non-slaveholding  constit- 
uents would  believe  me;  and  were  they  to  read  his 
[Mr.  G.'a]  speech,  they  would  swear  to  their  be- 
lief of  the  idea  8uga:ested  by  the  honorable  member 
from  Mis.souri.  We  in  the  West  do  not  denounce 
these  men,  but  rather  laugh  at  them,  and  at  their 
ntter  failure  to  propagate  their  Union-destroying 
principles.  But,  sir,  I  can  devote  no  more  lime  t» 
answering  the  remarks  of  those  who  have  preceded 
ine.  Were  I  to  go  into  a  full  notice  and  refutation 
of  arguments  against  the  measure  before  the  com- 
mittee, it  would  consume  twenty  hours  instead  of 
one.  The  little  time  which  is  left  to  mc  I  will  de- 
vote to  the  consideration  of  the  question;  and  if  I 
am  asked  why  my  speech  contains  no  more  about 
Oregon,  1  will  answer  that  almost  every  thing  has 
been  Faid  over  and  over  again  in  the  course  of  the 
debate.  I  am  not  careful  whether  or  not  my  opin- 
ions will  be  deemed  heretical  on  this  subject,  when 
I  say  that  1  am  for  Oregon  and  against  a  war;  but 
for  Oregon,   war  or  no  war. 

I  adopt  (said  Mr.  W.)  the  opinion  of  the  venera- 
ble gentleman  from  Massachusetts,  [Mr.  Adams,] 
and  of  the  chairnian  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Re- 
lations, [Mr.  In'(;er;,oli.,]  as  to  ihe  proper  construo 
tion  of  the  convention  of  1B27 — to  wit:  that  it  is  a 
commercial  treaty,  stipulating  for  a  joint  occupancy 
for  the  purposes  of  trade.  The  logic  of  all  those 
gentleman  who  had  spoken  in  favor  of  Oregon  ap- 
{)ears  to  be  very  sound;  and  therefore  I  adopt  prin- 
cipally all  the  views  of  gentlemen  who  had  spoken 
on  this  side  of  the  subject;  and  I  have  transmitted 
many  of  their  speeches  to  my  constituency,  there- 
by, in  the  main,  endorsing  their  views,  and  makings 
my  own  known. 

I  am  determined  to  claim  all  Oregon,  and  am  rea- 
dy to  claim  all  the  continent,  upon  the  principle  of 
manifest  destiny  urged  by  the  gentleman  from  Illi- 
nois [Mr.  Baker]  and  my  transcendental  friend 
from  Pennsylvania  [Mr.  Levin.] 

I  am  not  accustomed  to  deal  in  poetry,  and  there- 
fore gentlemen  must  excuse  me  for  not  introducing 
any  in  my  remarks ;  but  1  am  perfectly  willing  to 
take  all  the  poetry  that  has  been  recited  here,  good 
and  bad,  applicable  or  not,  and  whether  new  or  old 
acquaintances.  So  in  regard  to  all  the  declarations 
which  have  been  made  in  the  debate  against  the 
abominations  of  the  British  government :  1  ado()t 
the  whole  of  them;  and,  moreover,  I  hope  that  their 
authors  will  consider  that,  after  having  done  their 
best,  were  1  to  launch  out  on  that  subject,  they 
would  be  most  signally  outdone. 

Sir,  I  do  not  believe  that  we  shall   take  the  wholo 
world;  but  if  we  do  not,  our  principles  will.    Our 


1 1 


I 


7* 


J5 


•« 


/I 


V" 


principles  are  crctcr.ding  all  nvcr  the  world.  'Ilin 
iast  war  did  much  to  extend  them,  find  another  will 
extend  them  further.  W«  have  fieen  gradual  eii- 
r.roa/hmenl  on  tho  monopolies  and  "ovenimentnl 
aliu«*iH  of  the  Old  World,  and  'Ae  huvR  witnefscd 
the  concpssions  m;idH  by  tlieni  to  popular  ri'^his. 
Lately  we  hnve  witneHsed  the  yifiidini;;  of  Britirih 
TuiniKter.^  to  the  prosreiSii  of  libera!  jirino.ipIPR;  jnd 
oh!  how  fi;rudgin»]y  do  they  make  any  conwKSion. 
All  this  ifl  the  result  of  the  American  urinciples  in 
favor  of  equal  rij^hts  and  popular  Rflt-governinenl 
becoming  {gradually  known  to  the  world.  Tho  ulli 
mate  triumph  of  our  principle?!,  such  as  proo:rei3sive 
democracy  will  make  them,  is  .sure,  and  it  will  come 
in  God's  own  good  time. 

We  Wurtrd  at  the  late  election  with  our  princi- 
ples— the  reduction  of  the  tarifi",  Texan,  and  Ore- 
gon. Ono  of  them  has  been  carried  triumphantly 
through,  and  the  tariff' reform  and  Oregon  remain  to 
be  disposed  of.  I  presume  that  a  few  demorrnts 
will  be  found  mis^inji;  when  we  come  to  the  vote  on 
tije  Oregon  question.  Well,  1  hope  there  will  he 
enough  democrats  left  to  carry  the  measure;  and  we 
are  desirous  to  cariyit  independently  of  the  action 
of  our  political  opponents.  We  would  not  desire 
to  be,  like  a  distinguished  whiij  member  in  1&41, 
[Mr.  WisK,]  obliged  to  appeal  to  our  adversaries  to 
'•save  us  from  our  friends,"  and  to  look  around  us 
to  hunt  up  republicans.  I  see  public  opinion  rally- 
ing; around  thirt  question,  and  that  democrats  and 
whi^s  arc  sending  up  their  prayers  here  for  Ore- 
gon, their  country,  its  integrriiy  and  honor.  I  am 
glad  to  see  that,  on  this  truly  Ameri<'.'^n  question, 
our  politiciil  opponents  here  instructed  by  their  con- 
stiiuencios,  are,  many  of  them,  about  to  i;ive  their 
voices  to   us  upon   thia  que.3tion;  l)ut  I   would  be 

?ret  more  dolio;hied  to   sec  the  party  to  which  I  be- 
ons;  a  uni:  riow  as  heretofore. 

In  the  northwent,  we  j^o  for  all  the  i.?sue.s  of  1844. 
1  regret  w  see  that  some  portion  of  the  party  in  Con- 
"rerts  is  h;\n;;;ing  back;  perhaps  it  is  expected  to 
Jive  the  tariti"  of  1842.  I  hear  of  a  drag  on  that 
,.dint,  of  some  impracticable  Pennsylvanians  who 
•will  not  .sustain  us  in  carryinj;;  out  all  the  principles 
of  1844.  I  will  say  to  our  political  opponents  lliat' 
if  v;e  should  find  Pennsylvania  a  ''fixed  fact"  in  the 
-way  of  our  tariif  reform,  you  cannot  laugh  at  us  for 
it.  So  if  South  Carolina  should  he  a  "fixed  Aict"  in 
our  way  on  ;,he  Ore2;on  question,  you  need  not  jeer 
us.  Our  opponents  cannot  laugh  at  us  even  should 
■we  fail;  for  we  have  gained  Tox.'is  ovon  should  we 
lose  the  tariff  reform  and  Oregon,  and  that  is  much 
more  than  you  gained.  What  dii!  you  get  by  your 
victory  in  1840  ?  Nothing  but  tho  distriiiution'law, 
U'hich  we  repealed  in  a  few  months  after.  But  you 
■<cannot  repeal  the  annexation  of  Texas.  I  am  glad 
to  see  that  we  have  many  honoi-.hle  frirnd.s  on  the 
other  side  of  the  House,  who,  although  at  the  late 
election  they  considered  Oregon  a  humbug,  now 
find  themselves  pnralizcd  by  the  v/ill  of  their  <'on- 
fjtiiueiits;  and  I  \\  ould  not  discourage  them  from 
taking  that  course  which  they  lYow  found  expe- 
diert,  even  by  u  taunt  which  I  am  incapable  of  ut- 
tering. 

I  have  said  that  1  believed  this  treaty  to  be  strict- 
ly commercial  in  its  character;  and,  tlierefore,  I  care 
3\ot  what  wo  may  Ho,  it  will  not  violate  its  provi- 
sions so  lonj  as  we  leave  the  Briti.sh  in  possopsion 
of  their  stipulated  rights.  I  think  that  ve  f^an  do 
«11  under  it  that  Great  Britain  has  done,  and  some- 
thing more.  We  may  organize  a  Territorial  govern- 
ment ii  Oregon,  and  even  admit  ituR  a  State  of  the 


Union.    Wo  may  tnk?  military  possession  of  it  f(  ^  .   ■     . 

the  purpose  of  defending  our  BCttlers  there  from  lli  '.JQj,g    j 

Indians;  and  all  this  we  havi  a  right  to  do  bcfoi  qiL    I 

we  give  the  notice.     If  the  President  had   not  r  „p,_y 

commended  the  notice,   I  should    no^t  myself  ha\  ,  !,„•;*. 

J  •.    I         ij  L  •.    I      7i  .L  1  knowi 

nronosedit.  I  would  have  waited  until  the  preseni  ^  „ -n  « 

/•  1     n  •••  L       1  •     .     •      n  ^    ii.  '  c  will  n 

of  the  British  subjects  in  Oregon,  and    their  enjo         .       • 

mentof  the  privileges  secured  by  treaty  had  becon    jJJinff  a 

uncomfortable  to  our  people.    The  British  alwaj        fore; 

professed  that  they  valued  the    territory  merely  u    '  ni^^av 

Its  commercial  privileges  and  for  nothing  else,  ar    n-,i,ern 

wo  have  a  right  to    take  them  at  th«ir    word.    B    ypj^y  ) 

giving  the  notice,  as  it  seems  to  me,,  we  make  a  qua      will  al 

admission  that  we  have  not  a  right  to  take  tl 

steps    above   alluded    to    wit[iout   first  giving  tl 

notice.    These  are  my  opinions,  and  I  am  not  pr 

pared  yet  to  relinquish  them;  but  the  President  h^ 

had  the  subject  under  his  eye,  and  has  given  to 

much  attention.     He  recommends  the  notice,  andj 

may,  and  probably   will,  turn  out  that  he  is   rigli 

In  cases  where  no  practical  principle  is  involved,  aij 

where  the  question  presented  is  one  ofexpedienc 

merely,  I  will  sustain  my  party  friends,  and   the  ua 

ministration  created  by  theafi.     If  you  ask  why! 

will  do  this,  I  will  say  that  it  is  necessary  in  ordj 

to  harmonize  our  party,  and  that  it  is  the  only  wa 

to  keep  our  whig  friends  beaten.     But    I  have   ai 

other  reason  for  going  for  the   notice — that  I  am  if 

etructed    positively  by  my   constituents  to  go  fori 

There  is  not  one  democrat,  and  but  very  few  whi^ 

among  my  constituents  who  would  not  unite  in  i| 

structing  me  to  that  effect. 

Some  gentlemen  say  that  they  will  not  vote  f| 
the  notice  for  fear  it  should  result  in  a  war.    Sor 
have  even  said  that  the  notice  wili  be,  per  se,  cau^ 
of  war.     But  the  British  negotiators  never  considt 
ed  that  it  would  be  a  cause  of  war.     How  was  j 
possible  that    those  who    framed  the  conventiq 
could  have  provided  for  the  notice,  -if  it  was  to 
the  c^use  of  a  war.'    But  others  say  that  it  is 
cause  for  a  war,  and  that,  on   the  contrary,  it  wl 
liasten  an  adjuGtment  of  the  question;  and  that! 
probably  a  fair  view  of  the  subject.    Some  say  thl 
It  will  irritate  Great  Britain — that  it  will  wake  hi 
up,  and  alarm  the  Hudson  Bay  Company,  becaul 
it  threatened  their  valuable  privileges,  and  induj 
them  to  strengthen  themselves  in  Oregon.     For  tl 
sake  of  peace  I  would  yield  the   British  subjecj 
their  present  commercial  privileges  for  a  good  liii 
to  come;  but  this  would  be  on  condition  of  a  fii 
recognition  of  our  right  to  Oregon;  and  I  would  ei| 
tain  the  President  in  making  such  a  treaty  after  t| 
notice  was  given. 

But  I  admit  that  the  notice  may  tend  to  war,  al 
very  probably  lead  to  it  when  it  shall  be  carried 
by  the  adoption  of  measures  for  taking  poseession^j,^ 
the  territory,  and  practically  asserting  our  right  i  1^ 
establishing aTerritorial  government, granting  kni 
to  settlers,  and  controlling  the  Indian  tribes,    i"! 
shall  this  prevent  us  from  asserting  our  title? 
that  the  attitude  of  the  American  people.'    Shall 
look  across  the  waters,  and    ask    Great    Britd 
whether  we  shall  be  allowed  to  take  possession 
our  own  soil,  on  our  own  continent'    Of  course  at 
would  answer,  No.    In  my  opinion,  sir,  we  shll 
at  the  end  of  tho  year,  if  not  before,  take  posse88i| 
of  Oregon;  and  that  may  bring  the  matter  to 
issue  of  war.     I  think  so  because  I  believe  that 
pretence  of  Great  Britain  that  she  wanted  OregJ 
merely  for  a  hunting-ground  is  false;  but  that  si 
places  the  highest  value  on  it  on  account  of  its  col 
mercial  facilities.    Great  Bn'tAin  had  always  I 


AiiLVjM.'i-,i.t.,.jtf;.-,:i«tfc<:> 


' 


their    word. 


right  to  take 


>t   first  giving 
ind  I  am  not  pr 
the  President  hi 
d  has  given  to 
I  the  notice,  and 
It  that  he  is   righj 
pie  is  involved,  a 
me  ofexpedien 
icnda,  and   the  ui 
f  you  ask  why 
tecessary  in  ordi 
it  is  the  only  w 
But    I  have   ai 
tice — that  I  am  i 
ituents  to  go  for 
U  very  few  whi^, 
ild  not  unite  in  i 


% 


ossessjflnof  it  l(  ,^j  ^^  improving  her  rommerce  with  barbarous 

.  •■?. .    "^    T™/  ''0"8.  for  no  commerce  was  more  profitable. 

■A   \\  A       .  The  Indian  tradei-s, as  it  was  well  known  in  our 

ident  had   not  r  untry,  always  reaped   rich  harvesla.    Great  Bril- 

no,t  myBeit    nav  ,  knows  the  value  of  Oregon,  ondM  believe  that 

until  the  preseni  ^  ^■^^  jj  j^^  f^^  j,  ^^^  ,  ^^^^   .,,  ^^  ^^e   American 

and    their  enjo]  ople  will  fight  for   it.    The    harbors  of  Oregon, 

R^-f-  h     I     "  >"^'"g  *^  l>arbarou8  world,  afibrd  admirable  facili- 

le   tJiitish  alwftj  ^   for  carrying  on   trade;  and   barbarous  nations 

irritory  merely  1(  ^  always  the  best  customers  of  civilized  pecv(ile. 

nothmg  else,  at  o^jhern  Oregon   would  also  be  ii  mnnufacturing 


untry,  for  it  abounded  in   water  power.     Califor- 


B,.  we  make  a  qua    ^  ^.■^^^  ^fl-^^j  y^^i  quantities  of   raw  cotton  for  the 


I 


will  not  vote 


li  be,  per  se,  cau 
ors  never  considt 
war.  How  was 
Bd  the 


pply  of  Oregon  factories,  and  there  is  no  difliculty 

the  navigation  between  Oregon   and    Califtiriiia 

d  so  great  is  the    supply  of  ship  timber  whicl 

egon  furniahea.  that  more  than  half  the  ships  of 

world  will  in  forty  years   be  built  in  the  northern 

t  of   that    territory.    The    harbors   of  Pjt^el'f* 

nd  will  HfTord  naval   stations,  and  through  thcin 

would  soon   command   the  wliole  commerce  of 

Pacific;    without    them,    Oregon   would  not  be 

rth  a  straw  to  us,  for  there  were  no  good  harbors 

th  of  Piiget'a  sound,   and  the  major  part  of  com- 

rcial  and  .-ihip-building  facilities  are  north  of  lali- 

e  490. 

y  doctrine  is,  to  go  ahead  and  assert  our  rights; 

as  to  the  results,  not  to  stop  to  calculate  them. 

ill  at  least  utter  no  boastful  calculations  as  to  (he 

ulta.     "Let   not  him    who  putteth  on  his  armor 

t  himself  as   he  who   putteth   it   ofT."     Even  if 

were  certain  that   the  results  of  a  war  would  be 

first  adverse  to  us,  yet  should  we  vote  for  the  no- 

e,  and  the   other  measures    consequent  upon  it. 

e  may  safely  put  our  trust  in   the  justice  of  our 

use  and  in  the  kind  protection  of  divine  Providence, 

d  the  struggle  must  end  like  our  former  wars — in 


conventu    jiorious  triumph,  and  in  the  diffusion  of  our  prin- 
ce, -if  It  was  to  1  •  '^  '^ 
I's  say  that  it  is  1 
contrary,  it  w 
estion;  and  that 
t.    Some  say  th 
,  it  will  wake  h 
Company,  becau 
ileges,  and  indu 
1  Oregon.     For  tl 
e   British  subjei 
ea  for  a  good  tit 
condition  of  a  fi 
1;  and  I  would  e 
1  a  treaty  after 


ties. 

The  day  will  come  when  every  interest  and  eve- 
party  that  is  opposed  to  Oregon  will  crumble  in- 
clust.     1  have  heard  some  speculations  upon  the 
nsequenccs  ofourextension'of  territory,  and  of  the 
nexation  of  the  Mexican  and  other  states  to  onr 
ion.     1   do  not  want  any   mixed  races  in  our 
ion,  nor  men  of  any  color  except  white,  unless 
;y  be  slaves.     Certainly,  not  as  voters  or  legi^la 


y  tend  to  war,  aij 
jhall  be  carried 
aking  poseeasionl 
rling  our  right  j ' 
lent, granting  knj 
Indian  tribes,    j" 
erting  our  title? 

people.'    Shall 
isk    Great    Britd 
take  possession! 

nt?  Of  course  si 
iion,  sir,  we  Bh| 
)re,  take  posseesij 

the  matter  to 
5 1  believe  that 
3h«  wanted  OregJ 
faloe;  but  that  si 

account  of  it«  cof 
had  tUwnye] 


My  constituents  will  never  consent  that  their 
)re3entative  in  this  hall  shall  hold  political  dipcus- 
n  with  the  honorable  cohered  member  from  Mex- 
They  know  that  this  would  lead  to  a  political 
fft  for  ascendency  between  colors,  ending  in  rev- 
tion  and  blood. 

f  Mexico,  after  going  through  half  a  dozen  more 
olutions,  should  become  capable  of  self-govern - 
nt,  and  apply  for  annexation,  I    would    vote 
Must  it,  unless  her  colored   races  should  come  in 
slaves,  or  be.  otherwise  excluded   from  political 
Ivileges.    My  constituents  cannot  agree  to  admit 
>red  men  to  the  exercise  of  the  right  of  suffrage; 
i  they  cheerfully  acquiesce  in  the  representative 
pis  which  the  constitution  has  provided  for  the 
|ve-holding  States.      Independent    States,    com- 
bed of  white  people  thoroughly  imbued  with  our 
jnciplcs  of  self-government,  we  will  receive  into 
Union  at  their  own   request;  but  even  them  we 
Inot  wish  to  coerce  into  our  Union,  or  to  annex 
|conquest.     If  we  find  a  stray  independency  float- 
;  about,  and  wanting  protection;  we  will  take  it 
When  tht  volcano,  sleeping  in  the  bosom  of 
t  British  empire,  shall  burst  forth,  and  Canada 
111  be  lopped  off,  it  might  be  a  <juestion  whether  it 


shall  be  annexed  to  our   Union.    Should   we  con- 

3uer  It,  we  will  give  it  bark  to  Great  Britain;  for  1 
o  not  wiyh  to  annex  her  loyal  Scotch  and  Knglinh 
tieople.  Her  Irish  and  French  inhabitantj  I  mitlit 
le  willing  to  unite  with;  but  it  would  lake  fifty 
yearw  to  learn  the  Scotch  and  Eny;lish  of  Canada, 
uri-Ar«ericttni/.ed  by  nssociati-n,  the  principles  of 
our  free  institutioiih. 

Tiic  Irish  make  good  ritizens.  They  take  to  lil)- 
eity  natuntlly.  Pnt  in  an  American  from  the  word 
go.  If  Canada  j«houl(l  ever  tiecome  independent 
and  capa!)lc  of  oelfgoveriiment,  and  apply  for  an- 
nexation, we  will  think  of  it.  Rut  I  would  annex 
any  part  of  the  world  where  the  American  people 
go  and  settle,  and  furm  communities.  Wt  have 
done  so,  and  we  will  ilo  itag?>in. 

Tliifj,  sir,  (naid  Mr.  W.,)  is  a  progrc?<iiivc  question. 
Texiia  WHS  .so  aLni;  and  if  Great  Britain  wants  a 
Cft'riproini.se  with  ns,  mIic  had  better  speak  at  once. 
When  the  aiiiicx;ilii)n  of  Texas  was  proposed  here, 
1  remember  how  fiarful  some  getilhmen  were  in 
this  House,  that  the  piopio  would  not  sustain  it; 
but  tliey  N')t»n  fuund  that  the  pco|ilc  were  ahead  of 
tliem  on  tlio  qucbtion,  and  wcro  nlrnoat  unanimous 
for  the  nirasure.  When  gentlemen  first  tiike  their 
MNita  here,  thry  sometime!^  ima<cine  themselves  very 
Vbise,  and  think  that  wisdom  will  die  with  them; 
but  after  a  while  they  begin  to  find  llicrnaelve.s  mis- 
taken, particularly  if  they  try  off  n  to  get  the  floor.  A 
little  experience  here  has  learned  many  a  man  not  to 
be  wisi?r  thim  his  ronstituentw.  The  same  lesson  may 
Inleirnedugnin.  We  annexed  the  territory  of  Texas. 
We,  in  the  northwest,  charge,  nothing  fomur assist- 
ance in  that  matter.  We  went  "o.t  our  own  hook'* 
on  that  question,  and  if  we  had  not  done  so,  Indiana 
herself  would  have  gone  and  taken  it  with  a  rush. 
The  fteo[)le,  as  usual,  are  ahead  of  their  repre.^-enta- 
tives;  it  was  so  on  the  'I^xan  question,  and  it  is  so 
on  this.  If  I  should  come  buck  to  this  House  at 
the  next  CongrcfS,  (and  I  think,  perhaps,  1  maj',)  I 
shall  find,  I  fe:ir,  that  several  of  my  exeell'-nt  oltl 
acquaintances  will  not  be  here,  and  they  will  owe 
iheir  deieat  to  their  opposition  to  this  measure. 
This,  I  say,  sir,  i.s  a  progressive  question,  and  before 
this  Congress  is  ended  the  days  of  compromise  will 
be  ended.  So,  you  w  ho  are  trembling  at  the  thought 
of  war,  r.nd  reasoning  as  to  the  value  of  rights,  had 
better  yield  and  obey  the  voice  of  the  people.  The 
r.eople  alone  have  the  right  to  doand  command  w  rong. 
Your  constituents  at  home,  while  you  are  debating 
this  question,  are  going  strong  for  Oregon.  They 
expected  that,  before  this,  we  should  have  provided 
meupures  for  the  protection  of  emigrants,  our  frienda 
and  brothers,  and  their  wives  and  children;  and 
that  by  this  time  they  would  be  with  their  horses 
and  wagons  on  the  road  to  Oregon.  We  vtrill  have 
to  do  it,  or  the  people  will  send  representatives  here 
who  will  obey  their  voice. 

Note. — It  would  be  totally  unnecessary  for  Mr. 
Wick  to  ex[)lain  any  of  his  remarks  to  his  own 
constituency,  or  to  those  who  heard  them.  Cut  his- 
epeech  will  be  read  by  others,  strangers  to  him,  and 
his  peculiarities  of  manner.  To  such,  he  has  de- 
sired ua  to  say,  that  some  of  his  descriptions  were 
intended  to  be  caricatures,  and  especially  that  his 
description  of  the  mode  in  which  the  citizens  of  the 
northwest  assert  their  personal  honor  is  so  highly 
a  caricature,  that  the  fact  represented  would  not 
readily  be  guessed.  The  people  of  the  northwest 
arc  essentially  kind  in  feeling,  peaceable,  and  mod- 
erate in  their  modes  of  seeking  satisfaction  for  per- 
sonal griefs  or  insults. 


